THE ROLE OF MASS COMMUNICATION IN MEDIA IMPERIALISM IN THE ..

Media Imperialism and the VCR advanced beyond the level of pure description (28, p

Cultural imperialism - Wikipedia

...nd researchers that stand for and against the premises of the media imperialism thesis (Galtung, 1971; Schiller, 1976; McQuail, 1983, 2002; Tunstall, 1977; Dorfman & Mattelart, 1984; Tomlinson, 1991; =-=Boyd-Barrett, 1998-=-; and Rantanen, 2005a), the genesis of which dates back to the 1970s when the world was overwhelmed by the unfolding of the New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO). The remainder of this...

Discuss the view that the media imperialism thesis cannot explain the complexities of media globalization.

Terms such as "media imperialism", ..

As a global media product, telenovelas are open to the criticisms posed by the media imperialism thesis which argues that globalisation has facilitated first-world media companies to use media products to ‘promote the values and structures of the dominating centre’ (Schiller, 1976) at the expense of local communities and institutions. According to this perspective, the popularity of telenovelas in Kenya is a form of cultural imperialism and has the potential to suppress the expression and development of local Kenyan cultures and initiatives, contributing to global cultural homogenization. This school of thought argues that telenovelas carry an imperialist ideology, which has a direct, unmediated impact on audience behaviour in the receiving countries.

Discuss the view that the media imperialism thesis cannot explain the complexities of media globalization?

Cultural tools were certainly used by the USA to counter Soviet anti-American propaganda during the Cold War or the cultural and media imperialism thesis in both Europe and the global South (Arndt, 2007). But cultural diplomacy rose to salience as a public policy domain in the USA only after the rise of deeply hostile Islamist fundamentalism and in the wake of that arch-culturalist trope, Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” thesis, as well as the radical deterioration of the American image in the rest of the world after the two invasions of Iraq. Both the theory and the subsequent reality, I argue, have encouraged a shift away from the reasonable aim of conveying a positive image of a national culture or of boosting the recognition of a national cultural model in the rest of the world. In the emblematic French case, this was the key motivation, with the creation of the Alliance Française, the network of French Cultural Centres and the like in order to combat the hegemony of the English language, formerly linked to British imperial dominion and today to the USA’s global cultural power.

media imperialism thesis (Galtung, 1971; Schiller, 1976; McQuail, 1983, 2002; Tunstall,


After an opening sketch of the development of broadcasting in Canada, the author embarks upon anin-depth analysis of subjects as diverse as nationalism, the market economy, dependency theory, theintellectual and his relationship to television, the television audience, and the concept ofnational culture. In each area, having examined the general case, he turns to the Canadian scenewith a detailed view of both English- and French-Canadian experience. These are followed byanalyses of two types of Canadian television drama. All this scholarship is directed toward supportfor the underlying theme of the work, that the Canadian case "challenges the assumption central tonationalist theory and to the media imperialism thesis, that polity and culture are stronglyinterdependent" (p. 111).The media imperialism thesis has long argued that the expansion of Western media production into developing countries has resulted in the domination of their national media environments and the consequent destruction of their indigenous media production. This article examines the empirical tenability of this claim with regard to Asia. Delineating the region's media developments, it identifies forces such as national gate-keeping policies, the dynamics of audience preference and local competition, all of which inhibit and restrict the proliferation of Western cultural production. On the basis of this empirical evidence, the article argues that the claims made by proponents of the media imperialism thesis seem overstated in the Asian context. In conclusion, the article suggests that although media imperialism is perceived as a very real danger by governments, there are in fact several other problematic trends such as the rampant growth of commercialization and the decline of public broadcasting, the dominance of entertainment programming and a lack of genuine diversity in program genres and formats that collectively represent a more significant threat to media systems in Asia. The media imperialism thesis has long argued that the expansion of Western media production into developing countries has resulted in the domination of their national media environments and the consequent destruction of their indigenous media production. This article examines the empirical tenability of this claim with regard to Asia. Delineating the region's media developments, it identifies forces such as national gate-keeping policies, the dynamics of audience preference and local competition, all of which inhibit and restrict the proliferation of Western cultural production. On the basis of this empirical evidence, the article argues that the claims made by proponents of the media imperialism thesis seem overstated in the Asian context. In conclusion, the article suggests that although media imperialism is perceived as a very real danger by governments, there are in fact several other problematic trends such as the rampant growth of commercialization and the decline of public broadcasting, the dominance of entertainment programming and a lack of genuine diversity in program genres and formats that collectively represent a more significant threat to media systems in Asia. Secondly, the communication process is a complex structure, there is no definite uniformity between encoding and decoding, and the similar information can be decoded by the different audiences in different ways. That means audiences in the Third World may selectively accept information and values which made by western media corporations. Tomlinson (1997) criticizes that using media imperialism expresses the cultural imperialism thesis is not proven. He believes that the media is neutral; and it is just an intermediary of the communication process, it is neither a kind of ideology nor the core of modern culture. He also notes that audiences should not be regarded as passive receptacles of media productions; they cannot be dominated by media. Schiller (1991) concurs and further explains that there are a part of active audiences, they understand the information in their own ways, by their own judgment, most importantly, their understanding considered to have significance in cultural hegemony resisting. Above all, it seems that each audience has a different understanding of the same media products, and their attitudes are based on their own cultural background and experiences. They accept information which they identify with and in the meanwhile, excluding those they dislike and disagree with. To some extent, the decoding activities of active, critical and resistant audiences weaken the effect of cultural imperialism gradually.Secondly, the communication process is a complex structure, there is no definite uniformity between encoding and decoding, and the similar information can be decoded by the different audiences in different ways. That means audiences in the Third World may selectively accept information and values which made by western media corporations. Tomlinson (1997) criticizes that using media imperialism expresses the cultural imperialism thesis is not proven. He believes that the media is neutral; and it is just an intermediary of the communication process, it is neither a kind of ideology nor the core of modern culture. He also notes that audiences should not be regarded as passive receptacles of media productions; they cannot be dominated by media. Schiller (1991) concurs and further explains that there are a part of active audiences, they understand the information in their own ways, by their own judgment, most importantly, their understanding considered to have significance in cultural hegemony resisting. Above all, it seems that each audience has a different understanding of the same media products, and their attitudes are based on their own cultural background and experiences. They accept information which they identify with and in the meanwhile, excluding those they dislike and disagree with. To some extent, the decoding activities of active, critical and resistant audiences weaken the effect of cultural imperialism gradually.